Wednesday, September 30, 2026

सोशल साइंस के सिलेबस पर वामपंथी और पोस्ट मॉडर्निस्ट हावी हैं

Collated by Tusar Nath Mohapatra My life as ideology

How did the story about a Royal Prince Ekalavya and political alliances of his father become a staple in the "caste atrocity" narrative. The same way that the story of "Bali" and Vamana was weaponized. Let me explain. Dharma is transmitted via stories. These stories are a pedagogical tool; not of commandments but of exercising the ability to wrestle with contradictory dharmas in every human life. Ekalavya's story poses one such question. Here is a boy showing skill and devotion. On the other hand there is an employee's loyalty to his employer who is paying him. What would someone choose?

The answer isn't the point. The question is the point. Developing the moral reasoning helps us wrestle with our own conflicting responsibilities. The fact that we are drawn to Ekalavya and Mahabali, sharpens our emotional investment in this question. Life poses exactly such difficult choices. The Left's narrative inverts it. It takes the act of learning out and weaponizes our emotional resonance into an oppression story. This is why Ekalavya's story is turned into a story about caste. The agenda is important, not truth or learning.

https://x.com/sankrant/status/2104354656529027091

राहुल जी, आज भी यानी 2026 में भी भारतीय शिक्षा और सोशल साइंस के सिलेबस पर वामपंथी और पोस्ट मॉडर्निस्ट ही हावी हैं। दुनिया के सिर्फ दो देश उत्तर कोरिया और क्यूबा में कम्युनिस्ट मॉडल की अर्थव्यवस्था है। पर भारतीय यूनिवर्सिटीज के सिलेबस में सबसे ज्यादा जगह मार्क्सवाद ने घेर रखी है। अब तो यूनिवर्सिटीज में पोस्ट मॉडर्निज्म हावी है. 

यही कारण है कि भारतीय यूनिवर्सिटीज के सिलेबस में डॉ. आंबेडकर और फुले को उनके पूरे बौद्धिक विस्तार में नहीं पढ़ाया है। बाबा साहब को अक्सर जाति और दलित तक सीमित कर दिया जाता है, जबकि वे अर्थशास्त्री, संवैधानिक विचारक, राष्ट्रवाद के चिंतक, कानूनविद और बौद्ध चिंतक भी थे। ज्यादातर यूनिवर्सिटीज में बाबा साहब की 1935 के बाद की कोई रचना नहीं पढ़ाई जाती। जबकि उसके बाद उन्होंने 21 साल और लेखन किया। फुले को भी केवल जाति-विरोधी सुधारक के रूप में पढ़ना उनके लेखन को छोटा करना है। स्टूडेंट्स को कहां पता कि महात्मा फुले का शिवाजी महाराज पर भी लेखन है।सवाल यह है कि छात्रों को किसी विचारक का पूरा बौद्धिक संसार पढ़ाया जाए, या उसका खास हिस्सा।

https://x.com/Profdilipmandal/status/2105338024079098095

Rahul ji, even today—that is, in 2026—leftists and postmodernists still dominate the syllabi of Indian education and social sciences. Only two countries in the world, North Korea and Cuba, have economies based on the communist model. Yet in the syllabi of Indian universities, Marxism occupies the most space. Now, postmodernism has taken over in universities.

This is precisely why Dr. Ambedkar and Phule are not taught in Indian universities' syllabi in the full expanse of their intellectual contributions. Babasaheb is often confined to caste and Dalits, even though he was also an economist, constitutional thinker, nationalist intellectual, jurist, and Buddhist thinker. In most universities, none of Babasaheb's works after 1935 are taught. And yet, after that, he wrote for another 21 years. Teaching Phule only as an anti-caste reformer diminishes his writings. Where would students even know that Mahatma Phule also wrote about Shivaji Maharaj? The question is: Should students be taught the entire intellectual world of a thinker, or just a specific part of it?

https://x.com/Profdilipmandal/status/2105338024079098095

Veer Savarkar opposed caste system. He led the first temple entry movement for Dalits even before Gandhi or Ambedkar. He actively advocated for intercaste marriage. Those targeting PM Modi by using Savarkar name should try to read, but they will not. Because Modi Derangement Syndrome is real. 

https://x.com/Mrsinha/status/2104140431772783049

The Saffron Idiots of Red-Green Alliance

The "Sanghified" Hindus—those steeped in the #PseudoHindutva ideology of the RSS-BJP ecosystem, often proudly waving the saffron flag while chanting "decolonisation"—have, ironically, swallowed hook, line, and sinker the very anti-colonial framework peddled by secularised, pro-Islamic left-liberals.

This is no minor lapse; it is a complete internalisation of the post-independence pro-Islamic leftist narrative that vilifies British rule as the supreme evil of Indian history, while airbrushing, whitewashing, or romanticising centuries of Islamic invasions, tyrannical sultanates, and Mughal exploitation as somehow "benign," "syncretic," or mere "passing phases" in the nation's story.

Consider the foundational myth they have absorbed lock, stock, and barrel: that India was a prosperous, unified economic and civilisational giant until the British arrived 200–300 years ago and "drained" its wealth, reducing it to poverty. This is straight out of the playbook of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad's education ministry, Marxist historians like Irfan Habib and Romila Thapar, and the #PseudoSecular establishment—designed precisely to transfer Hindu trauma from 1000+ years of genocidal, temple-destroying, jizya-imposing Muslim rule onto the British, making Hindus nostalgic for (or at least neutral toward) Islamic genocidal persecution while hating the British coloniser who ultimately displaced it.

The Battle of Plassey (1757) exemplifies this internalised contradiction. When the British defeated the tyrannical, bigoted Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah in Bengal—ending a regime of severe Hindu persecution—many Hindus either welcomed the shift or offered no resistance. Why? Because they were exhausted from centuries of barbaric Islamic rule that had reduced them to penury, destroyed their temples, imposed humiliation, and shattered their economy in most regions (barring brief Hindu resurgence under Marathas or others). Yet today's #Sanghified HINO (Hindu In Name Only) voices, echoing leftist anti-colonialism, frame the British entry as an unmitigated disaster, ignoring that for persecuted Hindus it often represented a lesser evil compared to the resurgence of Muslim genocidal tyranny.

This leftist anti-colonial lens is so deeply internalised that it erases how Hindus often welcomed or tolerated British rule to escape worse Islamic tyranny—yet demands blanket condemnation of colonialism while soft-pedalling or denying the far longer, bloodier Islamic chapter. The result? A peculiar self-flagellation where "decolonisation" means demolishing Lutyens' architecture or renaming roads named of British figures but not after Islamic tyrants, but never confronting the deeper deracination caused by centuries of Islamic iconoclasm. Under Sangh Parivar rule, Temples are bulldozed for “Vikas” or "corridors," colonial buildings targeted for "reclamation," but Islamic structures receive lavish state-funded restoration—all under the guise of nationalism that suspiciously follows Red-Green Alliance calculus—appeasing the very forces they claim to oppose.

In essence, the #PseudoHindutva of the Sangh Parivar has not decolonised Hindu minds; it has only deepened their colonisation by cloaking the left-liberal's selective anti-colonial guilt in saffron rhetoric. Hindus are taught to hate the British fork that pricked them last, while forgetting or forgiving the Islamic dagger that stabbed them for a millennium. This is not Hindu resurgence—it is the triumph of leftist propaganda dressed in saffron robes, ensuring Hindus remain divided, guilt-ridden, and blind to their real historical oppressors. True decolonisation would begin by reclaiming unfiltered truth: Islamic rule vandalised Hindu civilisation and demography far more profoundly and permanently than British colonialism ever did. Until that realisation dawns, the Sanghified Hindu remains the perfect "useful idiot" of the secular-pro-Islamic Red-Green Alliance. #Lutyen @mattwridley

https://x.com/MNageswarRaoIPS/status/2026503285189099606

Brutal wars, torturous executions, and violent revolutions have always been justified on moral grounds. bit.ly/3VXAS2q Drawing on wisdom from Wittgenstein to Zhuangzi, philosopher Hans-Georg Moeller argues that trying to be moral often only does more harm than good.

https://x.com/IAI_TV/status/2105335893842104800

Groups campaigning for gender parity in jobs are only really measuring equality in high-status roles within the knowledge economy, argues "reactionary feminist" Mary Harrington. In this debate, she goes head-to-head with Minna Salami, Kathleen Stock, and Lucy Jones to ask whether feminism has actually delivered "freedom" for women, and what we even mean by freedom in the first place. Tap here to watch "Gender Equality and the Freedom Trap" now. iai.tv/video/gender-e…

https://x.com/IAI_TV/status/2105338063450734705

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SELF - VIP VAK: Akbar invited Portuguese Jesuits from Goa https://vipvak.blogspot.com/2026/09/akbar-invited-portuguese-jesuits-from.html

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SELF - Savitri Era Religious Fraternity: Sri Aurobindo and The Mother take a balanced approach https://serfrat.blogspot.com/2026/09/sri-aurobindo-and-mother-take-balanced.html

Savitri Era: My life as ideology https://savitriera.blogspot.com/2026/09/my-life-as-ideology.html  

Reimagining and Refashioning Integral Management

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Saturday, September 26, 2026

Akbar invited Portuguese Jesuits from Goa

 Yes, there were significant historical and philosophical precedents that influenced Mughal Emperor Akbar’s formulation of a universal ethico-religious philosophy. While modern historians note that his Dīn-i Ilāhī (introduced in 1582) was not a formal missionary religion but rather a syncretic spiritual brotherhood designed to bind an elite circle of nobles to the throne, Akbar did not invent this pluralistic impulse out of thin air. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

His vision of Sulh-i-kul ("universal peace") and religious syncretism was deeply rooted in several regional and historical precedents: [6, 7]

1. The Bhakti and Sufi Movements

The most immediate cultural precedents were the ongoing socio-religious reforms sweeping through Medieval India. [8]
  • The Bhakti Movement: Mystics like Kabir and Guru Nanak had already spent decades explicitly rejecting rigid orthodox boundaries, advocating for a form of universalism that bridged Hinduism and Islam. Kabir, in particular, famously taught that the God of both faiths was identical, emphasizing personal devotion over ritualism.
  • Sufism (Specifically Chishti and Nuqtawi sects): Akbar was deeply devoted to the Chishti Sufi order, which championed Wahdat-al-Wujud (the "Unity of Being")—a philosophical framework suggesting that all existence is a manifestation of the divine. This concept provided a strong theological justification for seeing truth in multiple paths.

2. Historical & Royal Precedents in India

Akbar followed a lineage of multi-ethnic Indian rulers who recognized that governing a massive, diverse subcontinent required religious inclusivity: [9]
  • King Ashoka (3rd Century BCE): Centuries earlier, Ashoka responded to the diversity of his empire by promoting Dhamma (Dharma)—not a specific sectarian religion, but a state-sponsored universal ethical code based on tolerance, non-violence, and mutual respect among all sects.
  • Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin of Kashmir (15th Century): Often called the "Budshah" (Great King), he directly anticipated Akbar's religious policies. Zain-ul-Abidin abolished the jizya tax, banned cow slaughter, participated in Hindu festivals, and patronized the translation of Sanskrit texts into Persian—mirroring almost exactly the administrative reforms Akbar later enacted before launching Dīn-i Ilāhī. [2, 10, 11]

3. The Millennial Year (990 AH / 1582 CE)

The specific timing of Dīn-i Ilāhī in 1582 coincided with the approaches to the Islamic Millennium (1000 AH). Across the Islamic world, the impending end of the first Islamic millennium had triggered widespread eschatological and messianic movements (such as the Mahdavi movement in India). Many thinkers believed that the turnaround of the millennium would bring about a new spiritual renewal or a "universal cycle" of history, providing a perfect intellectual climate for Akbar to contemplate a unifying spiritual order.

4. Family and Intellectual Mentors

Akbar's immediate circle was highly intellectual and free-thinking: [8]
  • Abul Fazl and Faizi: His closest advisors and the chief architects of his court philosophy were steeped in free thought and rationalism. Their father, Shaikh Mubarak, had historical ties to various heterodox Muslim movements, conditioning them to challenge traditional Ulema (orthodox clerics). [12, 13, 14]
  • Mughal Family Syncretism: Akbar's mother (Hamida Banu Begum) was of Persian Shia lineage, his tutor (Abdul Latif) was a practitioner of Sulh-i-kul, and his father (Humayun) and grandfather (Babur) had both demonstrated political flexibility between Sunni and Shia traditions to survive politically. [8]
Ultimately, Akbar's universalism was the logical culmination of Indian mystical synthesis, political survival instincts, and the rationalist, multi-faith debates hehosted inside the famous Ibadat Khana (House of Worship) starting in 1575. [2, 6]
Would you like to explore how the orthodox Ulema reacted to these precedents, or would you prefer a closer look at the specific rituals Akbar borrowed from Zoroastrianism and Hinduism? [12, 15]

- GoogleAI 
Yes, the Mughal Emperor Akbar drew significant Western (European) inspiration, which deeply transformed the culture, artistic style, and religious discourse of the Mughal court. Because his reign coincided with the global Renaissance, Akbar actively engaged with Western ideas through trade, diplomacy, and direct interaction with European travelers. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
The primary channels and expressions of Western inspiration during Akbar’s reign include:

1. Artistic Techniques and Realism

Akbar was the first Mughal monarch to actively welcome and patronize European art. Portuguese Jesuits and Western merchants brought European Renaissance engravings, prints, and illustrated manuscripts to his imperial court. Mughal master artists in Akbar's imperial atelier studied and adapted these works, introducing several Western techniques into traditional Mughal miniature painting: [1, 6, 7, 8, 9]
  • Linear Perspective: Artists began using spatial depth to represent distant objects realistically rather than relying entirely on flat, vertical Persian perspectives. [10, 11]
  • Chiaroscuro (Light and Shade): The introduction of shading allowed artists to give volume, definition, and three-dimensional realism to human figures and drapery. [8, 11]
  • Atmospheric Landscapes: Mughal backgrounds started featuring distant, hazy European-style rolling hills, European architectural motifs, and atmospheric horizons. [5, 6]

2. Christian Allegory and Subjects

Akbar's intense curiosity led him to request Christian imagery. Master artists in his workshop, such as Kesu Das, copied and reinterpreted Flemish and German religious prints. Mughal albums featured paintings of the Virgin Mary, Jesus Christ, and Christian saints. Even non-religious paintings and manuscripts covering Hindu epics like the Razmnama (the Persian translation of the Mahabharata) began displaying subtle elements of Christian allegorical imagery and European costuming in the crowds. [7, 8, 12, 13]

3. Religious Debates (The Jesuits)

In 1575, Akbar built the Ibadat Khana (House of Worship) at Fatehpur Sikri to hold theological discussions. Driven by his interest in global faiths, he formally invited three separate Jesuit missions from the Portuguese colony of Goa. Jesuit fathers like Antoni de Montserrat and Rodolfo Acquaviva resided at court, debating theology directly with Islamic, Hindu, Jain, and Zoroastrian scholars. While the Jesuits misread his hospitality as an intent to convert to Christianity, Akbar utilized their perspectives to formulate Sulh-i-kul (universal peace) and his syncretic philosophical outlook. [2, 4, 14, 15]

4. Philosophy and Governance

Modern historians note that Akbar's rule mirrored the political philosophies emerging in the Western post-Hellenistic world and European Renaissance. His evolution into a "philosopher-king" who attempted to emancipate royal authority from orthodox religious clergy closely resembled the secularizing shifts and political reformations taking place among contemporary European monarchs. [3, 14, 16]

Would you like to explore specific paintings from Akbar's atelier that show this European fusion, or learn more about his debates with the Jesuit priests?

- GoogleAI 
Yes. While Akbar’s liberalism is often attributed to his Indian environment, it was deeply stimulated and validated by several core intellectual, mystical, and political traditions within the Islamic world. [1, 2]
Akbar did not develop his policies in isolation from Islam; rather, he drew directly upon specific Islamic frameworks to justify his broad-minded governance. The primary stimulations from the Islamic world included: [3]

1. The Philosophy of Wahdat-al-Wujud (Unity of Being)

The most profound philosophical stimulation came from the Andalusian Sufi mystic Ibn al-Arabi. His doctrine of Wahdat-al-Wujud posits that all creation is a manifestation of the divine reality. [4]
  • The Impact: This pantheistic philosophy allowed Akbar and his liberal thinkers (like Shaikh Mubarak, Abul Fazl, and Faizi) to argue that different religions were merely different paths to the same ultimate Truth. It provided the theological backbone for moving away from rigid orthodoxy toward religious pluralism. [4, 5, 6]

2. The Influence of Liberal Sufism and Persian Poetry

Akbar had an early, deep spiritual inclination toward Sufism, particularly the Chishti order. [4, 6]
  • The Impact: Sufi concepts of Muhabbat-e-Kul (love for all) and universal brotherhood strongly resonated with his vision of society. Furthermore, the classic Persian poetic tradition—especially the verses of Hafez and Rumi—which championed human sympathy, divine love, and a highly liberal outlook, was standard reading in the Mughal court and heavily shaped Akbar’s personal ethos. [2, 5, 7]

3. The Ishraqi (Illuminationist) School of Philosophy

Abul Fazl introduced Akbar to the Ishraqi philosophy formulated by the Persian philosopher Suhrawardi.
  • The Impact: This school focuses on Farr-e-Izadi (the Divine Light). Under this framework, the king is viewed as a recipient of divine radiance that illuminates all subjects equally, regardless of their creed. This directly inspired Akbar's doctrine of Sulh-i-Kul (Universal Peace/Absolute Peace), framing the ruler as a neutral caretaker of all faiths under God. [8]

4. Turko-Mughal and Timurid Traditions

The political culture of Akbar’s ancestors—such as Genghis Khan and Timur—stimulated a pragmatic approach to governance. [1, 9]
  • The Impact: As noted by medieval historians, these rulers actively eschewed rigid religious bigotry in state administration to successfully govern ethnically and religiously diverse empires. Akbar’s own father, Humayun, and grandfather, Babur, had shown sectarian flexibility (such as adopting Shiite customs when politically expedient). This familial heritage normalized the idea that statecraft should transcend clerical narrow-mindedness. [1, 10, 11]

5. Liberal Tutors and Shia Intellectuals

Akbar’s early circle featured several open-minded Islamic scholars who guided his education.
  • The Impact: His tutor, Mir Abdul Latif, was a non-sectarian scholar who introduced young Akbar to the principle of Sulh-i-kul. His regent, Bairam Khan, was a Shia Muslim operating within a largely Sunni court, exposing Akbar early on to diversity of thought within the Islamic tradition itself. [12, 13, 14, 15]
Through these avenues, Akbar utilized tools and philosophies native to Islamic civilization to challenge the provincial orthodoxy of his local Ulema, crafting a liberal empire built on established Islamic intellectual history. [3, 6]
If you are investigating this era, I can provide more details on:
  • How the orthodox Ulema reacted to these specific philosophical imports.
  • The explicit role Abul Fazl played in translating Persian philosophy into Mughal state policy.
  • A breakdown of how Sulh-i-Kul operated on a daily administrative level.

- GoogleAI 
Mughal Emperor Akbar was not directly influenced by South Indian civilization during the formative or major creative periods of his reign, as his primary cultural, political, and administrative synthesis drew from Persian, Central Asian, and North Indian (especially Rajput) traditions. [1, 2]

Nature of Contact with the South

  • Limited Territorial Reach: Akbar's military expansion extended southward only into the northern Deccan (annexing Khandesh and parts of Berar and Ahmadnagar toward the very end of his reign), stopping well short of peninsular South India. [3, 4]
  • Diplomatic Exchanges: Akbar did send diplomatic missions to southern courts like the remnants of the post-Talikota political landscape, but these were political overtures for suzerainty rather than cultural exchanges that shaped his core ideology. [5, 6]

Primary Influences on Akbar

  • Persian & Islamic Traditions: His administrative structures, court culture, and patronage of arts heavily mirrored Persian models.
  • Rajput & Indigenous North Indian Elements: His social policies, religious pluralism (Sulh-i-Kul), and matrimonial alliances were deeply intertwined with North Indian Rajput kingdoms rather than southern polities. [2, 7]
  • Jain and Hindu Scholars: While he interacted with various spiritual leaders, prominent figures like the Jain scholar Hiravijaya Suri who influenced his animal and social reforms hailed from western/northern India rather than the deep south. [8]
Would you like to explore how later Mughal emperors like Aurangzeb interacted more deeply with the Deccan sultanates, or look into the comparison between Akbar and South Indian rulers like Krishnadevaraya?

- GoogleAI 

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[PDF] CONTESTING THE PAST: IDEOLOGY, INSTITUTIONS, AND THE WRITING OF INDIAN HISTORY

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Aurobindo himself cautioned against intellectual exclusiveness, observing that “true
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Policy analysis in political parties in India

S Varma, S Koshy, A Sharma, MA Asim, MVR Gowda - Policy Analysis in India, 2026
… These are primarily derived from Hindutva, a framework focused on cultural
nationalism which shapes the party’s policy perspectives in various spheres,
including its economic, social and foreign policy agendas. For instance, the success …

Connections with Greco-Roman Practices

S Shekhar, B Sharma, R Ravi, A Mishra - Innovations in Chemistry in Ancient India
This chapter explores the dynamic interactions between Indian and Greco-Roman
chemical knowledge systems, tracing the flow of ideas, materials, and technologies
across antiquity. It examines the historical routes—overland via the Silk Road and …

[PDF] Phoolwalon ki Sair

M Pernau
… This is the narrative of the very large majority of the video clips available on
YouTube today, and certainly dominates the official narratives, be it by the members
of the Anjuman or even by the representatives of the state, notwithstanding their …

Reimagining and Refashioning Integral Management

TN Mohapatra - Nitte Management Review, 2015 - scholar.archive.org
… modern civilization, Sri Aurobindo’s ontological formulations … This paper uses select concepts from Sri Aurobindo’s philosophy … beings as emphasised by Levinas or Habermas should also …

Philosophy as a Way of Life around the Globe: the Case of Krishnachandra Bhattacharyya (1875–1949)

P Odyniec - Philosophy as a Way of Life, 2026
… This work of reason is philosophy, which is thus not only an auxiliary discipline,
but an integral part of the religion and its characteristic self-… of subjectivity that we
find in The Subject as Freedom is a constitutive and integral part of a larger path of …

[PDF] The Evolution of Hindutva Discourse in Contemporary Political Sphere of India: An Approach to Critical Discourse Analysis

O Babelian, H Molaei, MM Falarti
… Drawing on the theoretical framework of Laclau and Mouffe and employing critical
discourse analysis, this study examines the transformations of the Hindutva discourse in
India’s domestic politics. The article aims to answer the central question of how Hindutva …

[PDF] The communicative inversions of academic freedom: Justice-based scholarship as resistance to whiteness and colonial violence

MJ Dutta - Journal of International and Intercultural …, 2026
… That the work of the center required an analytic framework that named white
supremacy, far-right Zionism and Hindutva as the organizing … The Palestine
exception is not incidental to the logic of white supremacist, far right Zionist and …

Challenges and Limitations of Counting Jati during the Bihar Caste Survey

S Mogha - South Asia Research, 2026
The political intent of the Bihar Caste Survey of 2023 was to capture the socio-economic
realities of different jati groups in the state. Given that such surveys trigger new forms
of political mobilisation, it is necessary to examine internal differentiation and the …

Epistemic injustice and the Meitei revivalist movement in Manipur, India

P Khundrakpam, NB Meetei - Asian Ethnicity, 2026
… Their work further demonstrates how revivalist discourse has increasingly
intersected with contemporary Hindutva politics through attempts to syncretize
Sanamahism with broader notions of ‘Sanatana Dharma’ and vernacularize …

Does the Plate Reflect the Pyramid and Legitimacy? Contesting Dietary Hierarchies in India

P Kumari, S Kumar - Contemporary Voice of Dalit, 2026
Food in India is more than a source of nourishment; it is a powerful symbol of caste,
identity, legitimacy and social power. The article studies how dietary practices have
historically shaped and reproduced caste hierarchies through purity and pollution …

Collated by Tusar Nath Mohapatra My life as ideology